Transformation of Indonesian Chinese Identity and Evolution of Chinese Newspaper in the 20th Century

Transformation of Indonesian Chinese Identity and Evolution of Chinese Newspaper in the 20^th Century

(Draft)

Prof. Shi Xueqin

School for Southeast Asian Studies, XiamenUniversity

Fujian Province, China,361005

Xqshi68@xmu.edu.cn

Chinese migration history and Chinese Community in Southeast Asia

Chinese has a long history of mass migration to overseas land which could be traced back to the late of 16^th century. Historically, Chinese mass migration can be divided into following four phases with respective characteristic.

The first Chinese Mass Migration to Southeast Asia (1600-1850): the Interplay of Trade and Migration

As being geographically inextricably linked by land and water as well as historically associated by trade, Southeast Asian region has been a major migration destination for people in Southern provinces of China, like Fujian and Guangdong.  The first Chinese migration to Southeast Asia lasted roughly 200 years, which began at the early 17^th century, ending in the middle of 19^th century. The first wave of Chinese migration to Southeast Asia was featured with the interplay of trade and migration, which immensely promoted Chinese migration to Southeast Asia and the formation of early Chinese community. Till to the middle of 19^th century, Chinese Diaspora mainly concentrated in Southeast Asian archipelagos and peninsula. According to Prof Zhuang’s estimation, roughly 1,500,000 Chinese Diaspora inhabited the Southeast Asia area at the middle of 19^th century, respectively 70,000 Chinese in Siam, 14,000-15,000 in Java, 150,000 in Borneo, 50,000 in British Malay peninsula and Straits settlements colony, 110,000-130,000 in Burma, and nearly 10,000 in the Philippine islands. ^[1]

The Second Chinese Mass Migration (1850-1920): Coolie Trade and Chinese Diaspora

Middle of 19^th century is a watershed of Chinese migration history. In 1842, Ching government was forced to open to the western powers after first Opium War. Five coastal port-cities Guangzhou, Xiamen, Fuzhou, Ningbo and Shanghai became the first port-cities open to western countries, which deepened greatly western penetration in Southern China. Since 17^th century, with European trading company’s arrival in Southeast Asian archipelagoes and their overall exploitation in the area, huge demands for labor in mines and plantations industries were increasing, leading to the rampant human abduction in the coastal cities in Southern China and local people’s anger and chaos. After Second Opium war, Ching government signed the Peking Convention (1860), agreeing to a clause permitting Chinese to make emigration contract with British firms. France, Spain and the United States shortly received similar assurances by treaty, regulating the Chinese labor migration to western power’s colony. Furthermore, Ching government continued to negotiate with British and France, and signed a Convention to Regulate the Engagement of Chinese Emigrants by British and France subjects at Beijing in 1866, setting up procedures for licensing foreign emigration agencies at Chinese ports, under mutual agreement by foreign consuls and Chinese authorities. Shortly after, Ching government signed Burlingame Treaty with the Unites States in 1868, which was viewed as a watershed of Ching emigration policy by legalizing the rights of Chinese emigration.

The mentioned-above treaties significantly promoted the Chinese labor mass migration to western colony in Southeast Asia region, North and South America as well as Australia continent, which changed dramatically the distribution of Chinese Diaspora. A huge number of Chinese Coolies was transported to Cuba, Peru, Mauritius, Reunion, Australia as well as North America Continent. A study showed that the number of Chinese contract labor emigration was as high as 2.65 million from the middle of 19^th century to the early of 20^th century, which excluded the number of other categories of Chinese emigration. ^[2] While Southern China provinces like Fujian and Guangdong were still the main emigration areas, about 2.85 million Chinese immigrated to Southeast Asian region only during 23 years from 1876 to 1898. ^[3] In terms of geographical distribution, Southeast Asia region was still the concentration spot of Chinese Diaspora. At the beginning of 20^th century, the number of Chinese Diaspora is about 4-5 million in Asia, American continent, African continent as well as Australia, while 90 % inhabited in the Southeast Asian region, according to Zhuang’s study.

Third Chinese Mass Migration (1920-1950): Chinese Women Migration Wave

The first half of 20^th century witnessed the change of structure of Chinese mass migration, although Chinese migrants still kept the Southeast Asia region as the desired destination. The third Chinese migration wave with the characteristic of spontaneous migration was motivated by short economic soar in Southeast Asia during the First World War. This is the turning point in the history of Chinese women migration to Southeast Asia. The census of British Malaya reveals during that period, the number of Chinese women migrants moved to The Straits Settlement increased grossly.^[4] Although majority of Chinese women were migrated as the status of dependency to join the reunification with family, they initialized a new chapter of Chinese women migration to Southeast Asia in the term of amount. Motivated by the development of Chinese community in Southeast Asia and increasingly deepening interdependence between Chinese community and China, more and more Chinese women migrants who desired to make a living independently in Southeast Asia started to increase. According to Dr. Fan’s study on Chinese Women in Malaya, Chinese women migrant in Southeast Asia has been increasing since 1930s, and the majority was Chinese female migrant labor, roughly estimated about 190,000.^[5] In addition, it is worthy to note that Chinese female teachers were also involved into the migration to Southeast Asia for the purpose of teaching Chinese in huaqiao school , which revealed the new transformation of women migrant structure. The multi-structure of Chinese women migrant opened another new chapter of Chinese women migration to Southeast Asia. Generally speaking, it was the first half of 20^th century especially the period of 1930s witnessed the climax of Chinese women migration to Southeast Asia, which has been dwindled steadily following the outbreak of the Pacific War, and finally fell into the bottom at the end of World War II and the foundation of People’s Republic of China.

Fourth Chinese Mass Migration (1978- ):New Chinese Emigrants and Change

Since the founding of PRC, the Chinese migration wave was discontinued as being the two reasons. On the one hand, Beijing government strictly forbade Chinese citizens to overseas, much worse, the overseas relations were degraded as stain by Beijing government. On the other hand, being a communist country, China was contained by most Southeast Asian countries, therefore the Chinese citizens were banned to enter the gate of Southeast Asian countries. Meanwhile, in order to fasten the assimilation of Overseas Chinese into indigenous society, governments of Southeast Asia countries implemented various policies to promote the assimilation of Overseas Chinese community. Until to 1980, the number of Chinese Diaspora around world was roughly 20 million, the natural growth of overseas Chinese population greatly contributed to the increase of this number.

Chinese migration wave starts to activate again since the late of 1970s. Two reasons stimulated the new Chinese mass migration. Firstly, the change of immigration policies in the developed countries benefitted the Chinese migrants to the developed countries. Secondly, China began to implement reform and opening-up policy, removing the bans on Chinese emigration, which undoubtedly promoted the new Chinese mass migration. Generally, Chinese new migrants can be divided into three categories in this period.

The first category is Chinese student Diaspora. Since 1978, more and more Chinese students are eager to study abroad. According to the statistics issued by Education Department of China, from 1979-2007, there are totally 1.21 million Chinese students went to study abroad and majority of them favored to settle down after graduation, mainly in the North America. It is said only 319,700 returned back to China.

The second category is unskilled laborer migrants who went to abroad through legal or illegal ways. United States is the most desired destination of this group of Chinese labor migrants. Zhuang’s study shows that unskilled laborer from Fuzhou area is an important constituent of Chinese labor Diaspora in the United States. In recent 20 years, about 600,000 people from Fuzhou area migrated to United States. ^[6]

The third category of new Chinese migrant is traders and businessman. With the economic growth of China and the economic engagement between China and other parts of the world, more and more Chinese go abroad and do trading business or investing. Especially Southeast Asia region, as being geographically closed with China, is favored by Chinese traders and investors.

It is worthy of noting that with the growth of China’s investment in the fields of infrastructure and minerals industries in the developing countries, quite a number of Chinese labors have been employed and moved to the countries where China’s company involved. Some of Chinese employees chose to continue to live in the foreign countries after projects have been completed.

Thus, it is estimated since 1970 to 2008, the number of Chinese new emigrants has exceeded 10 million, including 1.6-1.7 million Hong Kong citizen and Taiwanese, more than 8 million new emigrants are from mainland of China.^[7] Zhuang also estimated, currently, the Chinese Diaspora has increased to 45.43 million around the world, roughly 33.48 million Chinese Diaspora ( 73.5%) inhabit in the region of Southeast Asia.

The Characteristics of Indonesian Chinese Community

Formation of Indonesian Chinese community has been pushed and shaped by Chinese migration waves since 17^th century, which was deeply characterized in the population, geographic distribution, dialect groups, gender ratio and occupation structure.

 1860-1930 ChinesePopulation in Netherland Indies

Year              population                     year             popilation

1860              221 438                          1900              537 316

1880              343 793                          1905              563 449

1885              381 751                          1920              809 039

1890              461 089                          1930              1 233 214

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Data Source:Volkstelling, 1935.

1930 Dialect groups of Indonesian Chinese

Provinces         Outside islands                      Java             Total

Hokkien             175 370                        376 611           554 981 Hakka              125 548                         75 188            200 736 Teochew            82 549                          5263             87 812 Cantonese          96 252                          39 878            136 130 Others             127 864                         82 491            210 355 Total              607 583          582431          1 190 014

Data Source:Volkstelling, 1935.

1860-1930  Indonesian Chinese Population in Java/Madula and outside Islands

   Year              Java/Madula                outside islands

Population   %                        population    %

1860     149 424     67                      72 014         33 1880     206 931     60                      136 862        40 1885     221 959     58                      159 793        42 1890     241 111     51                      218 978        49 1895     256 155     55                      213 469        45 1900     277 265     51                      260 051        49 1905     295 193     53                      268 256        47 1920     383 614     48                      425 425        52 1930     582 411     47                      652 783        53

Data Source:Volkstelling, 1935.

The cities or regions where Indonesia Chinese concentrated in 1930

Batavia(71688),

Surabaya(38871),

Semarong(27423),

Bandung(16657),

Solo(11286),

Sumatra: (449000),

Borneo,(134000),

Sulawesi (41000),

 Bali&Lombok( 11000),

 Maluku (9000),

Eastern Islands( 6800)

Chinese tradition migration waves also shaped gender ratio and occupation structure of Chinese community in Indonesia.

1880-1930 Gender ratio of Indonesia Chinese in West Kalimantan

Year                     male                       female

1880                   1000                        583

1900                   1000                        671

1920                   1000                        722

1930                   1000                        744

Indonesian Chinese Occupation structure in 1930s

Occupation                        outside islands            Java

Raw material production      44.6%                  9.1% Industry                   19.4%                  20.8% Transportation              2.6%                   2.8% Commerce/trade            23.1%                  57.6% Freelance/artist             1.1%                   2.1% Government employee       0.7%                   0.5% Others                    8.5%                   7.1%

Souce: W.J.Cator,  The Economic Position of Chinese in Netherlands Indies.1936,

In the Indonesia Chinese community where sex ration has been severely skewed, male migrants were forced to marry indigenous women, which dramatically reshaped the Chinese community and produced a group of peranakan Chinese, the chinese group who was born in Indonesia.

Emergence of Chinese Newspaper in the early 20^th Century

China’s political movement in the early 20^th century awaked Indonesian Chinese national consciousness and triggered the publication of Indonesia Chinese newspaper. Educated peranakan pioneered the publication of the newspaper in the Indonesia.

In the early of 1910s, peranakan Chinese published newspapers, advocating revival of Chinese culture and confucianism, like Li po (理报,1901) ,Pewa,rta Soerabaja （泗水新闻,1902）, Warna Warta （综合新闻,1902) ,Chabar Perniagaan (商业新闻,1903),IK Po(译报,1904), Loen Boen(论文,1904), Ho Po(和报,1904)，Hari Sumatra( 苏岛日报,1904) .

During the period of early 20^th century, Perannakan Chinese also published Malay newspaper such as Djawa Tengah 中爪哇报(Semarong,1909), Tjahaja Timoer东方之光(Surabaya,1914), Tjhoen Tjhioe春秋(Surabaya,1914), Asia亚洲(Semarong, 1921),  Kong Po光报(Jarkata,1921),Bin Seng民声报(Jakarta,1922), Keng Po竞报(Jakarta,1923), Sin Bin新民报(Bandung,1925).

Development of Chinese Newspaper

Undoubtedly Chinese publication has been deeply influenced by China’s political movement and rising nationalism in the early of 20^th century. The founding of United League of China branch in Indonesia further promoted the publication of Chinese newspaper. For example, <华铎报Hua Duo Bao>（Jakarta, 1909),＜爪哇公报Djarkata News＞（Semarong,1909）＜汉文新报Han Wen Sin Po＞（Surabaya,1909）<苏门答腊报Sumatra Po>(Weekly,Medan1909) were motivated by Chinese nationalism, functioned as the propaganda organs of Chinese revolution parties. While these Chinese Newspaper were short-lived and little influence in Chinese community.

Since 1920s, the Sinkeh Chinese began to increase in large numbers, who were illiterate in Malay, in order to meet the need of Sinkeh Chinese, Chinese community started to publish Chinese newspapers, which promoted Chinses newspaper into a mushrooming period.

Firstly, Sin Po started to publish Chinese version in 1921, and followed by a series of Chinese nespaper such as 三宝垄日报,1925>,锡江日报,1922》，《Harian Bin Po全民日报》，三宝垄的《Harian Tiong Nan中南日报》，1927锡江的《Bin Seng民声报》，1928泗水的《Daily Telegraphy爪哇每日电讯》《Surapaya Sin Po泗滨新报》，棉兰的《Sin Tiong Hwa Po新中华报》，1929《荷属民国日报》和泗水的《侨声日报》.

Among these publication, Sin Po and Harian Thien Sung Yip Po became the influential newapapers in the Indonesia Chinese community, actively advocating Chinese nationalism. Sin Po paid huge attentions to affaires by taking Chinese nationalism stand. Ang Jan Goan (洪渊源), the President of Sin po and chief editor Tjoe Boe San (朱茂山) both are perannakan, they were representative of Indonesian Chinese community politically supported Chinese nationalism. While Harian Thien Sung Yip Po, which was an important propaganda organ of Chinese National Party branch in Jakarta, politically support National Party of China. Meanwhile, in Surabaya, Chinese nationalist began to publish newspaper Harian Tay kong Siang Po大公商报.

It is worthy of noted that two special Chinese groups emerged , one group was calledChung Hwa Hui, led by Jian Fuhui简福辉, who favored the Dutch colonial regime in Indonesia and advocated to cooperate with Dutch by supporting Indonesia Chinese to naturalize Dutch citizen. They published Perniagaan (商报).  Another group was Partai Tionghoa Indonesia led by Lin Qunxian who politically supported Indonesian independent movement, advocating Indonesia Chinese to assimilate into Indonesia and to naturalize Indonesian citizen. They created their organ newspaper Sin Tit Po (新直报).

The revival and conflict of Indonesian Chinese newspaper in the Post WWII

Chinese newspapers with patriotism were banned to publish during Japanese occupation .Indonesia Chinese newspaper moved to a new period of revival and thriving after the Japanese surrendered in 1945. While with the founding of People’s Republic of China in 1949, influenced by China’s politics and intensification of Cold War, the Indonesian Chinese community was divided into groups who were ideologically hostile to each other, resulting in the serious clash between newspapers of pro-Beijing and that pre-Taiwan.

Pro-Beijing Indonesia Chinese newspaper:

Jakarta: Mingguan Seng Hwo Pao/ Seng Hwo Pao

Medan:苏门答腊民报> ,<民主日报>，<华侨日报>

 Pontianak:黎明日报>，每日电讯>

Makassar: 匡卢日报>

Surabaya:< Harian Tay kong Siang Po大公商报

Pro-Taiwan Chinese Newspaper

Jakarta: Harian Thien Sung Yip Po

Surabaya: Tsing Kwang Daily Press(青光日报), Chinese Daily News（华侨新闻）

Medan ：New Tionghwa Po<新中华报><兴中日报》《苏岛时报》

Makassar<侨声报>

Pontianak<诚报>

With the independence of Indoneisa, the issue of Chinese dual nationality confronted unprecedented challenge. Some Chinese advocated that  Indoneisa should identify to Indonesia and to be the constituent of Indonesia nation. The representative of this group was led by  Siauw Giok Tjhan, who was an influential peranakan Chinese politician. He created Weekly magazine “觉醒周刊”(Majalah Sadar) and Baperki (Badan Permusjawaratan Kewarganegaraan Indonesia), an organization originally dedicated to obtaining citizenship for ethnic Chinese. After the 1965 fall of the Soekarno regime, BAPERKI was accused of having links with the PKI and was banned by the new Suharto regime.

The decline of Indonesia Chinese newspaper :1960-1998

In the post-colonial era, Chinese identity and loyalty bacame serious problems in the Indonesia, producing negative influence on China-Indonesia relations. In 1955 China signed Dual Nationality treaty with Indonesian government in order to solve Chinese dual natioanlity issue, which promoted Chinese to naturalize Indoneisan nationality.

While Indonesia government and military placed restrictions on alien residence and trade, riots attacking Chinese occurred frenquently in Java.  9.30 movement further worsened Chinese living environment in Indonesia, more terribly, Indonesia Chinese was accused of being association with 9.30 Coup detat, and was massacred in the anti-communist purge movement. Finally, comprehensive prohibition was laid on Chinese association, character, school, press. Indonesian government controled the publication of Chinese newspaper after Suharto came to power.

Chinese Newspaper in the Post-Suharto era : Moving to New period

Indonesia democratic transition began in May 1998. 1997 Asia financial crises triggered intense rioting and exploded accumulated rancor which finally led to the fall of Suharto regime. The fall of Suharto rule started a democratic transition which produced effects on Indonesia politics and society. Abdurrahman Gus Dur Wahid, the president in 1999 election, a moderate Muslim scholar and leader, is revered as father of multiculturalism as he staunchly defended the country’s pluralist traditions and committed to human rights protection as well as  ethnic equality.

In 2001, Wahid announced that Chinese Chinese New Year Festival was an optional holiday in Indonesia, lifting ban on the display of Chinese Characters and imports of Chinese publication. Chinse newspaper began to move revival period again.

Currently, there are more than 10 Chinese newspapers in Indonesia, they are published in the cities where Chinese concentrated in Indonesia.

Jakarta:　            Guojiribao (Koran Guoji),BISNIS INDONESIA,     HI- SINGCHEW

Surabaya:　 Harian Nusantara　Harian Surabaya

Medan:　     Harian IKLAN Medan,　XUN BAO , HAO BAO,  Harian Medan

Pontianak:    Harian Pontianak

Bandung:　 Harian Bandung

Semarang:    Harian Semarang

GUIJIRIBAO (International Daily),headquartered in Jakarta, is the most popular and influential Chinese newspaper. Since it was published in Indonesia in 2001, it is becoming the biggest journalism group in Indonesia Chinese press circle. It is cooperating with People Daily(China) and Wenhuipo (Hongkong) and become the publication agent of these two press in Indonesia. In addition, Guojiribao also cooperated with other Indonesia Chinese newspaper and is developing a largest Chinese press group in Indonesia

Guojiribao is oriented to Chinese community in Indonesia and beyond. It massively cover Indonesia domestic affaires and Chinese community. Besides, Guojiribo is aimed to be a window of “making the world know of China” and the platform of “letting China go to the world”, regularly report China’s history and culture, investment policy and environment, scenic spot, socio-economic development. Meanwhile, Guojiribao sets up associations with China’ newspaper at the provincial level and becomes their punlication agent in Indonesia.

In retrospect, Indonesian Chinese newspaper was deeply influenced by modern Chinese nationalism.Chinese newspaper had been widely  involved into China’s domestically & internationally  political/ideological conflict in the first half century, which promoted the revival and thriving of Indonesian Chinese newspaper on the one side, on the other side, it also created crisis for Chinese newspaper in Indonesia.

In prospect, Chinese newspaper should take its new mission in the new century, firstly, deeply based on Indonesian Chinese community, looking after ethnic Chinese affaires, promoting Chinese culture/education and guarding ethnic Chinese legal rights as well as promoting mutual understanding between ethnic Chinese and other groups.

Secondly, function as bridge /platform of Chinese community in the region and around the world.

Lastly, with the China’s rising in the region, China-Indonesia relationship is moving to the new phase, creating great opportunity to Indonesia Chinese community /Chinese newspaper, which would play a significant role in deepening the relationship between Indonesia and China and promoting comprehensive cooperation between two Asian giants.

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[1] Zhuang guotu, The relationship between Overseas Chinese and China (Hua Qiao Huaren Yu Zhong Guo Guan Xi ), Guangzhou ,China,2001. PP168-178.

[2]Chen ze xian, Chinese Contract labor in 19^th Century, (Shi Jiu Shi Ji Sheng Xing de Qi Yue Hua Gong Zhi), History Studies, Vol.1, 1963, Beijing, China.

[3] Chen Han Sheng, Documentary Collection of Chinese Labor, Vol.1, Zhong Hua Shu Ju,1980, Beijing, China.

[4] For example, from 1934 to 1938, Chinese women migrated to Malaya was increasing, the number was listed as following respectively: 35063 (1934), 40921(1935), 51522 (1936), 95911(1937) and 44993(1938), which shared the percentage of the total amount of Chinese migrants at the same period respectively about 38.18%, 31.99%,39.76%,46.65% and 53.43%. See Fan Ruolan, Immigration, Gender and Overseas Chinese Society: Studies on the Chinese Women in Malaya(1929-1941), Beijing: Zhongguo Huaqiao Chubanshe, 2005, P80.

[5] Fan Ruolan, Immigration, Gender and Overseas Chinese Society: Studies on the Chinese Women in Malaya (1929-1941), Beijing: Zhongguo Huaqiao Chubanshe, PP84-88.

[6] Zhuang guotu, Motivies and Conditions of Emigration from Changle to U.S in Last 20 Years: A Field Study, History of Overseas Chinese Studies, Vol.1, 2006, Beijing,China.

[7] Zhuang guotu, Historical Changes in Number and Distribution of Overseas Chinese in the World, World History Studies, Vol.5, 2011, Beijing, China.